Syria's post-Assad leader vowed the country is for all. Some Syrians have their doubts

It is rare to see a country emerge from the devastation of a 13-year civil war and more than 50 years of authoritarian rule. 

Yet Syria, six months after the fall of President Bashar al-Assad, is attempting just that.

Reconstruction is underway. The suspension of long-standing U.S. sanctions has opened new economic opportunities. Foreign delegations are returning to the capital, Damascus.

Despite the signs of progress, however, growing concerns have emerged over reports of civil rights violations and the targeting of religious minorities — incidents that officials have characterized as isolated.

Syria's population is predominantly Sunni Muslim — about 74 per cent — alongside other Muslim minorities, which represent about 13 per cent, including Alawites. Christians represent about 10 per cent, and three per cent are Druze.

Despite repeated assurances from the new Syrian president, Ahmad al-Sharaa — formerly Abu Mohammed Al-Jolani — that minorities are full and equal citizens, a series of incidents, particularly against Alawites and Druze, has sparked concern. Reports have emerged of violations targeting a nightclub in Damascus, adding to the unease.

Syrian journalist Abssi Smiesim, who relocated to Damascus from Turkey following the fall of Assad, links current concerns to the behaviour of some Muslim extremist groups.

"I visited all the minority regions recently," he said. "You can sense fear — not from the government itself, but from its inability to control groups with jihadist backgrounds."

When rebels, many with Sunni backgrounds, accompanied by groups of jihadist fighters, succeeded in toppling Assad's regime in December, minority communities feared retaliation. 

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Concerns were particularly strong among those worried about ideological leanings of the new leadership, many of whom have ties to Salafist or jihadist backgrounds and who typically follow strict religious conservatism. Some individuals with such backgrounds advocate for rigid social norms, particularly around women's dress, gender mixing gatherings, alcohol consumption and governance.

A changing social fabric

At a bistro on a narrow alleyway in the heart of Old Damascus, a district known for vibrant bars and pubs, Ghani Isaac, a Christian, spoke of his unease about what lies ahead. 

"You can order an alcoholic drink," Isaac said, looking at his beer, "but you're never sure" when a Muslim extremist or a foreign jihadist fighter who arrived in Damascus with the new leadership "might attack you because of it" because religious Muslim groups believe in banning alcohol consumption.

Reports suggest the government is considering integrating more than 3,500 fighters who came to Syria during the civil war to fight for rebel factions into the national army. 

"These people didn't come out of love for Syria," Isaac said. "They're gaining influence, sometimes more than the locals."

In Bab Sharqi, a Christian quarter of Damascus, residents say the atmosphere has shifted to a more pessimistic outlook since the political transition. 

Isaac and his friend, Khalil Salloum, didn't leave Syria throughout the war and are concerned about what they call increasing sectarian rhetoric and extremism. 

"Community events have dwindled since the regime change," Isaac said. "The government offers some security for our celebrations and events like Christmas and Easter, but we are more comfortable relying on Christian volunteer guards, something we never needed before."

Salloum said that many Christians they know are actively seeking to emigrate, fearing for their safety from unlawful attacks and seeking the freedom to practise their culture without restrictions.

Sectarian clashes near Damascus

In Jaramana, a predominantly Druze suburb outside Damascus, tensions remain high following deadly violence in April. The unrest was sparked by an audio recording that allegedly insulted the Prophet Muhammad, the most revered figure in Islam, and was falsely attributed to a Druze cleric, Marwan Kiwan. 

Although the government confirmed the recording was fake, clashes between Syrian security forces and armed groups near Damascus left at least 10 people dead and led to a brief security lockdown.

Among those who witnessed the unrest was local resident Dima Masoud, who is Druze.

"The government did try to contain the violence," she said, "but it also thanked those who 'defended the Prophet,' which felt like a form of indirect encouragement." 

Masoud is unconvinced by assurances from government officials that the incident was isolated.

"These aren't just isolated accidents," she said. "I don't know whether the president truly lacks control over the factions or if we're watching a deeper fracture emerge among Syrians."

When asked whether al-Sharaa has fulfilled his mantra that Syria is for all, Masoud offered her opinion: "Of course not."

She said she fears secularists and defenders of civil liberties now face as much marginalization as religious minorities.

Secularists also feel threatened

In a live music café in Damascus, book author Jaber Yehya expressed a hopeful yet guarded outlook. 

"My optimism depends on us [secular people] working hard to prove ourselves," he said. "If the extremists stand in our way, we will push back." 

Yehya, a former refugee in Europe, returned to Syria for good following the regime change, driven by a vision for a more inclusive future. 

"I came back to help build a Syria that embraces everyone." 

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Linda Bilal is not part of a minority group, but belongs to a circle of liberal activists fighting to preserve their presence and civil liberties against rising extremism in Syria. She returned from Europe after Assad's fall.

She recalled a tense encounter in April in the city of Idlib, the rebel stronghold in northwest Syria from which Al-Jolani ran a kind of shadow government. A foreign fighter she thought came from Egypt confronted her over not covering her hair with a hijab, telling her to "respect the country."

Bilal said: "I fled Assad, and now I'm being lectured on how to be Syrian by someone who isn't even from this country?"

Still, Bilal is resolute in claiming her right to a voice in Syria's future.

"I won't change. We need to reclaim public space, foster dialogue and stay visible."

Changing clothing styles

In recent years, Syrian cities have reflected a blend of conservative and liberal dress norms.

Although no official dress code has been introduced under the new regime, many women in different parts of Syria have adopted a more cautious approach to their clothing.

Dima Masoud now has a more conservative look, opting for long pants instead of shorts and wearing jackets with long sleeves. 

"I don't know what could happen if I keep my old dressing style," she said, "but I'm not willing to try." 

Her concerns reflect growing influence of hardline Islamist groups that promote strict modesty standards, including the hijab (headscarf) — and, in some areas, even the niqab.

But not everyone shares those concerns. 

In Damascus, Yara Shafa Omri, who has long chosen to dress freely and without a headscarf, says she hasn't had to alter her dress code under the new authorities. 

She reports no harassment over her casual attire or lifestyle. In her view, online criticism claiming the government is imposing a rigid Islamic code is exaggerated and doesn't align with her experience living in Damascus.

"The social scene hasn't changed," she said, noting parties and gatherings with mixed genders are still going on.

Shafa Omri believes criticism of the new government is premature. 

"The new government inherited a broken system," she said. "They've given us hope and a sense of freedom. We can't expect miracles overnight." 

Looking for more representation

In his inauguration speech, al-Sharaa promised to "work on an inclusive government that reflects the diversity of the country." 

While this was somewhat fulfilled, said Fadel Abdulghany, executive director of the Syrian Network for Human Rights, "we had to see a bigger representation — in the constitution drafting committee, for instance."

Abdulghany, whose network has been following the trajectory of the Syrian war since 2011, said his group "had advised from the beginning that for a truly inclusive political transition in Syria, minority communities had to be engaged not just as ethnic or religious groups, but as political stakeholders. Many are highly qualified and capable of contributing at senior levels."

The new government "had to approach Syrian minority groups in a better way," he told CBC from Doha, Qatar.

"I'm not advocating for a sectarian government enshrined in the constitution. But during this critical period, broader inclusion was essential to avoid negative speculations."